Issues

Volume 30 no. 2
Bruno Latour
Why Has Critique Run out of Steam? From Matters of Fact to Matters of Concern
James Dawes
Atrocity and Interrogation
Jacques Rancière    
The Order of the City
Slavoj Žižek
The Ongoing "Soft Revolution"

The Future of Criticism
A Critical Inquiry Symposium


W. J. T. Mitchell
Medium Theory: Preface to the 2003 Critical Inquiry Symposium
Elizabeth Abel
Mania, Depression, and the Future of Theory
Danielle Allen
On the Sociological Imagination
Homi K. Bhabha  
Statement for the Critical Inquiry Symposium
Wayne Booth
To: All Who Care about the Future of Criticism
James Chandler
Critical Disciplinarity
Lorraine Daston
Whither Critical Inquiry
Teresa de Lauretis
Statement Due
Frances Ferguson

Getting Past Yes to Number One
Stanley Fish
Theory's Hope
Peter Galison
Specific Theory
Sander L. Gilman
Collaboration, the Economy, and the Future of the Humanities
Miriam Hansen 
Why Media Aesthetics?
Harry Harootunian
Theory's Empire: Reflections on a Vocation for Critical Inquiry
Fredric Jameson
Symptoms of Theory or Symptoms for Theory
Jerome McGann
A Note on the Current State of Humanities Scholarship
J. Hillis Miller
Moving Critical Inquiry On
Robert Morgan

Critical Inquiry and the Future
Robert Pippin
Critical Inquiry and Critical Theory: A Short History of Non-being
Mary Poovey
For What It's Worth...
Catharine R. Stimpson
Texts in the Wind
David Tracy 
Statement for the Critical Inquiry Symposium
Robert von Hallberg
Covering the Arts
Lauren Berlant
Critical Inquiry, Affirmative Culture
Bill Brown
All Thumbs
Dipesh Chakrabarty
Where Is the Now?
Elizabeth Helsinger
Reflections on Reflections; or, Moving On



On Getting Past Yes to Number One
by Frances Ferguson

The current situation—the specter of war between the United States and Iraq—has a way of foregrounding questions of bellicose recklessness and problems of international justice that tend to cast our more usual activities into the shade. The massiveness of the scale on which war can now be waged—and can be waged by being continually threatened—tends to make other concerns look small in comparison. The ongoing sense that the war is impending and has been impending for months upon months causes at least me to discover that there are many things for which I have no appetite. I watch very little of the nightly news broadcasts on the major American networks; I read increasingly little of the newspapers; I turn off Bush’s State of the Union speech in the middle of one of his sentences. I cannot claim that I like this way of living, in which I feel that I am constantly remiss, failing in my duty as a citizen to sift and evaluate information and opinion. What I feel, of course, is the difficulty of imagining a way of actually doing something that would be useful. Demonstrations and petitions have their effects or, at least, their consolations; but Critical Inquiry has, partially through the timing of its forum, prompted me to worry again about questions of choice and agency.
    I have, in the first place, been brooding on a paradox of the modern news system—that we are told more and more about situations that we can do less and less to influence. Not much more than two hundred years ago, a “very young gentleman at Paris” (Chames-Jean-François de Pont) wrote to Edmund Burke (on 4 November 1789) to ask his opinion of the French Revolution and received a reply that took the form of a letter but went on to become more than three hundred typeset pages by the time Burke rounded out his “answer.” Yet the most painful part of the very lopsided exchange was that Burke, in the final paragraphs of his response, essentially suggested that he should never have bothered if he had really been trying to influence Pont’s views. While saying, “I have told you candidly my sentiments,” he continued, “I think they are not likely to alter yours. I do not know that they ought. You are young; you cannot guide, but must follow the fortune of your country.”1 Burke’s remark has long disturbed me with its brilliant and grotesque logic, with its insistence that a citizen should, in the process of being elaborately informed of at least one side of a question, also be told that he or she has been told to pay attention and hurry up, only to be told to wait, that she or he would be called on later, that he or she would be called on never.
    As Niklas Luhmann argues in The Reality of the Mass Media, we are well past a time in which it is possible to think that distributing more information more widely will lead to a story like the one we have told ourselves about Vietnam—that television coverage destroyed America’s appetite for war.2 Both information and opinion have been disabled by multiplication, as seemed bizarrely apparent in the New York Times’s recent editorial reveling in a blizzard that had “brought the East Coast to a near-standstill.” Even the Times seemed to be acknowledging the irrelevance of the information and opinion that it, however inadequately, distributes: “The powerful snowstorm . . . . was an event that had nothing to do with human will. . . . [It] overshadowed the war against terrorism and the escalating crisis with Iraq[,] . . . and replaced [free-floating dread] by free-floating flurries.” The storm created a time in which “to slow down and remember, once again, that human life can be lived only within the frame of nature.”3
    The Times’s moral of the weather—that we should acknowledge the power of nature—isn’t, I think, particularly apt, but the editorial’s paean to a storm that interrupted the sense of infinite busy attentiveness to the world is instructive. A storm that made people pause in their searches for more duct tape and plastic sheeting in response to the recent advisory from Tom Ridge in Homeland Security had the effect, if only temporarily, of creating a space in which to ask different questions from those that the administration has ceaselessly been posing. For the Bush administration has, from the time of the September 11 assaults on the World Trade Center, treated the terrorist threat as a threat to “our Amuhruhcan way of life” and has acted as though a way of life could be thought of as a system that could be isolated and defined as if it were almost a patentable product.
    If the Bush administration’s way of hypostatizing our way of life seems like a parody of the claims that Ian Hunter has made about the centrality of security to the production of nation-states in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, we should not merely note that resemblance but also examine the implications of that gesture.4 For the peculiarity of the Bush administration’s war on terror has been its constant willingness to depict its own citizenry as virtually powerless, to terrorize its own people with regular bulletins that heighten the alert and intensify the color coding of fear, to make us feel the reliance of life and what Giorgio Agamben has called “bare life” on the systematic structures of our society.5
    But what is it that our way of life is giving us? It would be tempting to say that nothing much is happening, that there is merely a great deal of talk. Yet the importance of our current predicament is that it underscores the significance of the theoretical debates about the relationship between speech and action that come out of J. L. Austin’s essays on speech acts, with their resonance for speech and, indeed, for information. Austin’s well-known discussion of performatives focuses on two features of this particular kind of speech act: “A. they do not ‘describe’ or `report’ or constate anything at all, are not ‘true or false’; and B. the uttering of the sentence is, or is a part of, the doing of an action, which again would not normally be described as, or as ‘just,’ saying something.”6 Saying is—“or is a part of”—doing in Austin’s performatives in ways that are instructive not just in terms of grand theory but also with regard to practice. For if the possibility of a performative’s being efficacious (or “happy,” as Austin puts it) does not rest on its being true or false in the way that a report on inventories of missiles or poison gases or biological weapons might be, it relies unusually heavily on an appreciation of language as a cultural project and joint effort. Performatives, that is, can only perform if they are not made by fiat. They betoken aspects of a way of life so fully operative that even abbreviated utterances can activate them, so that the “I do” said in a marriage ceremony stands in for a wealth of customary and bureaucratic procedures that count as what Austin describes as “circumstances” that are “appropriate.” Because no one can make such circumstances appropriate through sheer dint of individual effort, performatives emblematize the work that individual utterances can do. Performatives, that is, both show individual utterances in their immediate and local productivity and serve as indices to a depth and breadth of a common world.
    Austin’s account has been frequently cited and also, though less frequently, misrepresented. This is not the place in which to review the theoretical commentary on Austin, but one particular distortion of his view deserves mention in the present circumstance. It is the collapse of the performative into what he describes as a subclass of the notion, the verdictive. One example will suffice. The New Yorker recently rehearsed Stanley Fish’s retelling of the story of Bill Klem (as a commentary on the sense of injustice that New York Giants fans felt when the referees missed a call that would have given the Giants one more chance to make a potentially winning kick) and brought out the ways in which his account leans so heavily on the notion of institutional authority to make things happen and to make things be what they are that it obliterates all other circumstances. As Fish has often said, he is merely glossing Klem’s “Sonny, it ain’t nothing ‘til I call it” in saying that balls and strikes are not facts in the world but “come into being only on the call of an umpire.”7
    Fish, thus, treats the performative as if it were largely an exercise in establishing hierarchy within groups. He offers a narcissistic-autocratic reading of a collective speech situation that makes the performative revolve around identifying who is boss. And the antagonist of the happy performative is “do-overism,” which he describes as dangerous because “there’s no logical end to it.”8 The entire emphasis falls on the desirability to have clear-cut actions and obviously preferred choices. Fish imagines that the cultural work that I think Austin sees performatives as doing merely involves a series of exercises assessing the relative power of various individuals to have their words make things “come into being.” They are, as Judith Butler would say, examples of the “sovereign performative” that ignore Austin’s suggestions about “impending troubles” that develop with verdicts that he sees as felicitous even though incorrect—the call that stipulates the value of the action even when it is mistaken.
    The problem with the hierarchical glossing of the performative is not merely that it yields a rather naked defense of authority by tautology (through authoritarianism) but that it challenges the notion that balls and strikes are facts in the world only to affirm that the value of authority is such a fact. This account also sounds strangely familiar in the current geopolitical scene, in which George Bush continually acts as if the United States is right because it is “the most powerful nation in the world” and in which Donald Rumsfeld soberly tries to deal with serious political gestures by quoting from his rule book, telling France and Germany that they are not powerful enough to be right and observing of volunteers who have gone to Iraq to serve as human shields at the Baghdad South Power Plant that “deploying human shields is not a military strategy, it’s murder, a violation of the laws of armed conflict and a crime against humanity, and it will be treated as such.”9 What  Austin was alert to in performatives was not the rigidity of the rules as defined by the most powerful but the sense that one could see the power contained in certain social institutions by comparing an official wedding ceremony with an unofficial one. He saw that “I do,” uttered by eligible, not currently married persons in front of a designated authority might achieve, in seven seconds, the work that cohabitation took seven years to accomplish. Indeed, one can imagine that it was just this alertness to the changing value of circumstances that made Austin an effective military consultant in World War II. The current administration, by contrast, is so interested in trumpeting its authority to say what people can do that it endlessly casts politics as a game in which the good is what is number one and the evil is what is envious, hating “us” for being as “great” as “we” are. What it has lost sight of, in its account of the claims of the top of the heap, is the fact that the Bush administration has inadvertently produced a fragile protective shield for the United States. For what the administration doubtless has no way of acknowledging is that the preemptive war opens America to much greater danger than any external threat. Now that British and European opinion polls report that most people see George Bush as a greater threat to world peace than Saddam Hussein or Osama bin Laden, our being number one in political opprobrium offers more security than Ridge’s people are likely to produce. With friends like us, why would an enemy bother to attack? As Homeland Security reports a second tape from bin Laden in recent months and describes it as yet more evidence that there is a “high” likelihood of an attack, has any of them wondered if the second tape were not a renewed threat but an order to stand down, a response to the perception that the United States is a more effective enemy to itself than any terrorist group might be?
1. Edmund Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution, ed. J. C. D. Clark (Stanford, Calif., 2001), pp. 143, 144.
2. See Niklas Luhmann, The Reality of the Mass Media, trans. Kathleen Cross (Stanford, Calif., 2000).
3. “The Blizzard of 2003,” New York Times, 18 Feb. 2003, p. 22.
4. See Ian Hunter, Rival Enlightenments: Civil and Metaphysical Philosophy in Early Modern Germany (Cambridge, 2001), pp. 7, 13–14, 26–27.
5. See Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans. Daniel Heller-Roazen (Stanford, Calif., 1998).
6. J. L. Austin, How to Do Things with Words, ed. J. O. Urmson and Marina Sbisà, 2d ed. (Cambridge, Mass., 1975), p. 5.
7. Nick Paumgarten, “Dept. of Super Slo-Mo: No Flag on the Play,” The New Yorker, 20 Jan. 2003, p. 32.
8. Ibid.
9. Quoted in “U.S. Issues Human Shields warning,” BBC News, 20 Feb. 2003,  http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/world/middle-east/2782955.stm